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[en] This study analyzes the pattern in the leadership groups' perception of nuclear power through quantitative and qualitative investigations involving five steps: (1) analysis of previous literature; (2) Surveys and interview questions; (3) expert consultation; (4) in depth interviews of leadership groups and surveys; (5) external evaluation. Given the developing conflicts and misunderstanding between interest groups of certain policies that are apparent in all areas including nuclear power in the current diversified society, the role of communication during policy making to maximize the understanding between the public and the government is being emphasized. At present, there are various social conflicts surrounding nuclear power, although numerous investigations on the public perception of nuclear power have been conducted, minimal efforts have been made to investigate the perception of nuclear power by social leadership groups, who are at the center of policy-making. Therefore, this paper analyzes of the pattern in the perception of nuclear power by the leadership groups in Korea, in order to establish the necessary foundation for the directions for communication policy.
[en] In a radiation emergency situation, including its post-emergency recovery phase, substantial needs for radiation measurements can be expected. In such situations, responsible authorities might not be able to satisfy all requirements for measurement. Therefore, involvement of local communities is desirable. Citizen radiation monitoring networks, established in advance as citizen science structures, can serve as a knowledge basis for later participation in self-help protective actions. The article describes the progress of citizen radiation monitoring networks being established in the Czech Republic in the frame of Radiation Monitoring Network for Institutions and Schools project. During the project launch, it has been shown that conducting radiation measurements and results processing have educational effect on students and enhance awareness among interested groups in the field of radiation protection and radiation in general. This article describes the socially oriented part of the project. (authors)
[en] The origin and evolution of the term guild are analyzed, as well as its application in ecology, considering the multiple connotations that have been given and the confusion that has been generated by using it improperly. Likewise, the importance of homogenizing the terms and clearly defining the guilds is discussed, to have a language that allows understanding the scope of the term without ambiguities. The use of the term, as well as its persistence in ecological studies, suggests that it has considerable relevance depending on the form and the way it is used. The inappropriate or derivative use of this term is risky and dangerous since it tends to reduce the term to an empty word with multiple meanings. Also, this trivialization constitutes a threat to the proper use of the guild concept in ecology and its meaning as a whole.
[en] According to this report, since 2010, just five oil and gas corporations and their fossil fuel lobby groups have spent at least a quarter of a billion euros buying influence at the heart of European decision-making. It's part of a decades-long strategy by fossil fuel lobbyists of denying widely-accepted science, and trying to delay, weaken, and sabotage climate action - despite knowing their business heats the planet and destroys communities. This briefing exposes not just the hundreds of millions these oil and gas majors have spent on lobbying the EU, but the wide variety of underhand tactics they've used to successfully water down effective climate legislation. To really tackle the climate emergency, and ensure that climate and energy policy is conducted entirely in the public interest, the report urges the EU to cut fossil fuels out of its politics
[en] Is climate change more like an asteroid or diabetes? Diabetes is not benign. It is not a 'natural' phenomenon and it can't be cured. It is a condition that, if unmanaged, can kill you. And even for those who manage it well, life is different than before diabetes. This seems to the authors to be a reasonably apt description of the climate problem. There is no going back to the world before climate change. Whatever success we have mitigating climate change, we almost certainly won't return to pre-industrial atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases, at least not for many centuries. Even at one or 1.5 degrees Celsius of warming, the climate and the planet will look very different, and that will bring unavoidable consequences for human societies. We will live on a hotter planet and in a climate that will be more variable and less predictable. How bad our planetary diabetes gets will depend on how much we continue to emit and how well adapted to a changing climate human societies become. With the present one degree of warming, it appears that human societies have adapted relatively well. Various claims attributing present day natural disasters to climate change are controversial. But the overall statistics suggest that deaths due to climate-related natural disasters globally are falling, not rising, and that economic losses associated with those disasters, adjusting for growing population and affluence, have been flat for many decades. But at three or four degrees of warming, all bets are off. And it appears that unmanaged, that's where present trends in emissions are likely to take us. Moreover, even with radical action, stabilizing emissions at 1.5 degrees C, as many advocates now demand, is not possible without either solar geo-engineering or sucking carbon emissions out of the atmosphere at massive scale. Practically, given legacy emissions and committed infrastructure, the long-standing international target of limiting temperature increase to two degrees C is also extremely unlikely. Unavoidably, then, treating our climate change condition will require not simply emissions reductions but also significant adaptation to known and unknown climate risks that are already baked in to our future due to two centuries of fossil fuel consumption. It is in this sense that the authors have long argued that climate change must be understood as a chronic condition of global modernity, a problem that will be managed but not solved
[en] Whereas new skills and new tools have been created for local communities to support them in the development of projects related to renewable energies, this publication first proposes an overview of the different parts of the role these communities can play to favour the emergence of projects, to develop and to support projects, to participate to project funding, and to communicate and to inform actors of the territory. Various actions are associated with these action axes, and figures indicate the distributions of the various tools used to develop such projects, and the various energy aspects which are addressed by these projects. Two main ways for communities to enter directly the governance of a project of renewable energies on their territory are identified: participation to the capital of a private company (description of the associated legal framework, before and after the adoption of the law for Energy-Climate), and use of intermediate structures (local public companies, local board). An overview of tools of participatory finance is then proposed. Tools aimed at supporting project funding are addressed; they may concern the development phase or the construction phase, and several bodies and organisations can provide financial support. A table indicates provisional objectives (by 2023 and by 2028) of energy production for the different renewable energies, as mentioned in the French multi-year energy programming (PPE). Maps indicate the present level of renewable production in the French regions
[en] One Planet Summit, Climate Finance Days... At France's initiative, the number of major events aimed at mobilizing finance for the climate has increased since COP21 in 2015. However these put communication above action, suggesting that the climate challenge is being taken care of thanks to finance industry self-regulation. But the figures made public today reflect a different reality. Friends of the Earth France and Oxfam France stress that guaranteeing decent living conditions on Earth and preventing new systemic financial crises are the prerogatives of public authorities. They denounce the passivity of the government, which positions itself as a leader in green finance at the international level, but relinquishes its responsibilities onto private actors. NGOs point to the influence of the banking industry on policy decisions, resulting from aggressive direct lobbying and the numerous shifts of senior officials from the public to the private sector and vice versa. As financial actors meet again in Paris on Friday 29 November as part of the Climate Finance Day, Friends of the Earth France and Oxfam France call on the French government to put in place as of 2020 binding standards to ensure that the activities of French banks align with the goals of the Paris Agreement, with the objective of limiting global warming to 1.5 deg. C. Such standards should ensure that banks end their support for expanding fossil fuels and plan for a full exit from coal, oil and gas. The State must guarantee as a priority a coal phase out by 2030 at the latest in European and OECD countries, and by 2040 worldwide. In 2018, greenhouse gas emissions from major French banks reached more than 2 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent, 4.5 times France's emissions that same year. BNP Paribas, Credit Agricole and Societe Generale each have a higher carbon footprint than France. In 2018, the carbon intensities of Societe Generale and BNP Paribas were three times higher than those of the BPCE group. This report also contains a quantitative and qualitative assessment of the influence of the banking lobby: In 2018, the entire financial industry spent more than Euros 15 million on lobbying activities in France alone, with 190 interest representatives. Within the financial industry, the four main French banks spent Euros 5.5 million to exert their influence in the public sphere. Among the top executives of banks and their professional associations, 30 of them are former officials of the Ministry of Economy and Finance
[en] The nuclear sector has in recent years been placing increasing attention on the need to better understand variations between cost estimates for the decommissioning of nuclear power plants, as well as the relationship between estimated and actual costs, and the apparent escalation of these costs. Building on previous work by the Nuclear Energy Agency, Cost Benchmarking for Nuclear Power Plant Decommissioning examines approaches and methods for the benchmarking of nuclear power plant decommissioning costs. Particular focus is given to identifying key factors, drivers and constraints to implementing cost benchmarking. These factors are addressed from a broad range of perspectives in order to develop a road-map for implementation that will garner sufficiently broad support from a wide base of interested stakeholders. The report also identifies a number of perceived barriers that may impede the implementation of benchmarking for decommissioning. Co-ordinated efforts and further analysis will be needed to help remove these barriers.
[en] This section treats of the following case laws: 1 - Belgium - Raad van State [Council of State], 24 May 2018, nr. 241.575: In the case brought before the Belgian Council of State, the claimant, Greenpeace Belgium, contested the legality of an authorisation for the transport of spent fuel delivered by the regulator, the Federal Agency for Nuclear Control (FANC). 2 - France - Cherbourg high court (Tribunal de grande instance), 16 October 2018, No. 18-00061: In 2016, the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation (ANSTO) and AREVA NC (now ORANO CYCLE) signed a trade agreement on the reprocessing of spent fuel from an ANSTO research reactor. France and Australia agreed on the organisation of this reprocessing in a 23 November 2017 bilateral agreement that was published in the Journal Officiel [Official Journal] by decree on 6 July 2018. In September 2018, Greenpeace France asked ORANO CYCLE to view the contract signed between ORANO CYCLE and ANSTO. When this request was denied, Greenpeace France brought an action for summary judgement at the Cherbourg High Court to receive the various contracts signed within the framework of the trade agreement. 3 - Japan - Decision by the Hiroshima High Court on appeal regarding the operation of the Ikata nuclear power plant: On 25 September 2018, the Hiroshima High Court (HC) overturned an earlier decision of the Hiroshima HC, where the HC issued a preliminary injunction to halt operations of the Ikata nuclear power plant (NPP). The Hiroshima HC's September 2018 decision on appeal allowed the restart of the Ikata NPP. 4 - United States - Cooper v. Tokyo Electric Power Company, Imamura v. General Electric Company, and other US lawsuits related to the TEPCO Fukushima Daiichi NPP accident: Since the last report on two lawsuits then pending in US federal courts related to the 2011 TEPCO Fukushima Daiichi NPP accident, there have been more developments that now involve five actions brought in US District Courts in California, the District of Columbia and Massachusetts. These lawsuits were initiated even though Japan's nuclear liability law channels liability for nuclear damage exclusively to nuclear operators and provides for unlimited liability. They have been allowed to proceed because the United States and Japan were not both parties to the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage at the time of the Fukushima NPP accident. The CSC and other international nuclear liability conventions provide that jurisdiction over nuclear damage actions lies only with courts of the contracting party within whose territory the nuclear incident occurred. 5 - State of Nevada v. US Nuclear Regulatory Commission and David A. Wright, No. 18-1232 (unpublished) (DC Cir. 2019): The state of Nevada filed a petition for review challenging a decision by Commissioner David Wright of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) not to recuse himself from the licensing proceeding for a proposed nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada
[en] The cause of nuclear disarmament has been pursued for many reasons and in many different forms. The short and long-term objectives of this commitment vary, as does the forms it takes. Over the course of history, some factors may have lost relevance (pacifism, environmentalism), while others have gained visibility (humanitarian law). The creation of categories and typologies in this study face several obstacles. Thus, the same policy can be pursued for different motivations within an organization itself. In a state, different government agencies often have different concerns that may or may not be reconciled in the policy choices made. Thus, in Europe, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Ministries of Defense are often pointed out for their differences on priorities: the country's image, the role of mediator, coalition work can be favored by the former while the latter will be more sensitive to security considerations. Moreover, in some states where the individual weight of civil servants is significant due to the reduced volume of services, motivations can change rapidly according to the personal convictions of the officials in charge of cases. At the highest level, changes in the international context or in domestic political balances can have a significant impact on a state's priorities. This has recently been observed with Norway, which abandoned its profile as a disarmament leader with the change of majority in 2013, but also in Switzerland, where the transition from Micheline Calmy-Ray to Didier Burkhalter as head of the Executive Council has had the effect of reducing interest in the humanitarian dimension of nuclear weapons. Finally, for the same actor, a policy is often motivated by several factors at once. We can therefore identify at best a cloud of motivations where some seem to be priorities and others secondary in justifying the engagement. Generally speaking, however, we note the importance of security, which still motivates a large number of actors, particularly in the North, despite the changing strategic environment. This takes various and sometimes contradictory forms depending on the actors, but with a widespread desire to preserve the NPT by resolving what is perceived as a major imbalance. Ethical and humanitarian postures remain supported by the most 'radical' in the field of disarmament: they inextricably combine altruistic convictions and questions of image, the desire to increase one's international and domestic political capital by working for the security of all. Finally, some actors use the argument of disarmament to challenge a world order that is unfavorable to them, but here again, this political posture is often linked to other concerns, which may be security, ethics (principle of justice in particular) or identity. This panorama highlights historical aspects. It is often impossible to fully understand the current positioning of an actor without perceiving the legacy of the past. This often conditions the policies of stakeholders, as do some major national leaders and officials whose influence extends beyond their actions or the construction of true anti-nuclear identities anchored within populations and their governments. For a number of actors, engagement in multilateral fora for nuclear disarmament is not very demanding and does not require major costs. But for others, the efforts are followed by real, financial, personal or political investments. Some positions may even have negative consequences for a state and damage its bilateral relations with, for example, nuclear-weapon states. This study makes it possible to understand the various security, political or image benefits that justify these costs and have convinced states and non-state actors to promote this issue sometimes for decades. By noting the different facets of their motivations, it aims to limit the simplifications and caricatures that can be made. Indeed, it is sometimes difficult to perceive the complexities of a policy and its evolutions over time.176 In this way, it can contribute to a better understanding of each other's intentions and foster a more peaceful dialogue between the various actors of the world nuclear order