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[en] This study analyzes the pattern in the leadership groups' perception of nuclear power through quantitative and qualitative investigations involving five steps: (1) analysis of previous literature; (2) Surveys and interview questions; (3) expert consultation; (4) in depth interviews of leadership groups and surveys; (5) external evaluation. Given the developing conflicts and misunderstanding between interest groups of certain policies that are apparent in all areas including nuclear power in the current diversified society, the role of communication during policy making to maximize the understanding between the public and the government is being emphasized. At present, there are various social conflicts surrounding nuclear power, although numerous investigations on the public perception of nuclear power have been conducted, minimal efforts have been made to investigate the perception of nuclear power by social leadership groups, who are at the center of policy-making. Therefore, this paper analyzes of the pattern in the perception of nuclear power by the leadership groups in Korea, in order to establish the necessary foundation for the directions for communication policy.
[en] New methodologies to evaluate the reliability of physical protection in SMRs have been proposed in this study because small-scale facilities would quickly approach undesirable conditions under a small number of threats compared to large-scale systems in which multiple protection systems including security personnel are present. Threats and attacks can be categorized into two types: i) stealth threats and ii) violent and vehicle assaults – the given conditions for each threat are different. In the case of a stealth threat, on-site forces can defeat the threat without outside support. However, on-site forces may not be able to defeat a violent or vehicle assault alone because such threats might be stronger than the on-site forces in terms of the number of people and fire power. Detecting an adversary of stealth threat type could be crucial. However, in the case of a violent or vehicle assault, the time to protect the system should be more significant than the detection of such threats because on-site forces must delay the assault of an adversary until off-site forces arrive. In order to take into account those differences, the probabilities of system failure, which is evaluated by the probability of non-detection times the probability of pathway selection by an adversary, and the consequences of that are selected as critical parameters. For the second threat type, it is reckoned that the expected time for the protection system should be longer than the response time of off-site forces. The expectation of delay time in the system can be computed by the summation of a delay time of a protection system in a certain pathway weighted by the probability of that pathway selection by an adversary. Using these methodologies, the physical protection system could be more effectively established in a small-scale facility.
[en] The paper is devoted to issues of creation of cross-functional analytical complex for simulation of the process of operation of the security system elements. Basic objectives, a design concept and an interrelation of main elements of the complex are described. The proposed conception of the analytical complex provides an opportunity to simulate processes for evaluating the effectiveness of physical protection system of a nuclear facility. The complex uses models, that take into account features of the object, parameters of technical means and tactics of adversaries. Recommendations were made for applying of this conception for training specialists in the field of physical protection of nuclear materials. (paper)
[en] The origin and evolution of the term guild are analyzed, as well as its application in ecology, considering the multiple connotations that have been given and the confusion that has been generated by using it improperly. Likewise, the importance of homogenizing the terms and clearly defining the guilds is discussed, to have a language that allows understanding the scope of the term without ambiguities. The use of the term, as well as its persistence in ecological studies, suggests that it has considerable relevance depending on the form and the way it is used. The inappropriate or derivative use of this term is risky and dangerous since it tends to reduce the term to an empty word with multiple meanings. Also, this trivialization constitutes a threat to the proper use of the guild concept in ecology and its meaning as a whole.
[en] In order to limit to 2 deg. C the temperature rise of global warming it is urgent to leave in the underground more than 3/4 of the proven fossil fuel reserves. Moreover, non-conventional hydrocarbons, like tar sands, generate 23% more greenhouse gases than conventional oil. Shale gas and oil exploitation generates important methane leaks are are more polluting than coal. This aim of this brochure is to alert the public opinion about the environmental and social impacts of fossil fuels exploitation (public health problems, human rights violation, destruction of local economies). It denounces the power of lobbies which influence the environmental policies. The purpose is illustrated with concrete cases referring to Argentina (shale gas and oil), Canada (tar sands), Colombia (coal), and Niger (conventional oil and gas exploitation)
[en] The book 'Is shame necessary' by Jennifer Jacquet aims at tearing down the myth of the 'responsible individual' who would be the sole decisive player in fighting climate change. The American professor highlights a much more efficient strategy than the feeling of guilt, inherent to the 'responsible' consumption: civic responsibility through the denunciation of companies responsible for environmental damage. Could shame be a serious tool to save the planet? The feeling of guilt and the resulting threat of exclusion from the group have often been used by various institutions (family, religious, academic...) so that individuals auto-regulate themselves and do not get away from the accepted standards of society. That individuals' accountability is supported by several environmentalist NGOs and tends to make consumers feel guilty: it is based on the paradigm which states that if supply changes, demand will automatically evolve. It would thus be up to us to buy organic food in order to lower pollution rates in groundwater tables. This book? voluntarily provocative? is opposed to this idea and turns the problem around. It intends at showing that changes in individuals' behaviour only bring marginal evolutions to our system, which remains dominated by economic logics that are incompatible with environmental protection. The main challenge would thus be to replace the responsibility of environmental damage into States' and companies' scope, by exposing them to public opinion's disapproval. Public denunciation is also considered as the 'weapon of the weak against powerful groups', an efficient citizen-oriented method - providing that it is properly used - to transform the system
[en] Introducing atomic power to a Japanese population 'allergic' to the idea of anything nuclear was not an easy task. The construction of nuclear power plants had to be accompanied by various promotional campaigns, including advertising, PR centers and educational programs. However, today the events in Fukushima have constrained the efforts of the nuclear triumvirate - METI, big business and political advocates - to revise its message so as not to reactivate the 'allergy'
[en] International talks on global warming came into a new phase after the Kyoto and Marrakech agreement, in 1997 and 2001. This new phase is characterized by the implementation of the Kyoto regime and by the launching of discussions relating to the future of the regime. It implies deep evolutions for state and non state actors into the way they are dealing with climate diplomacy. The Europeanization of climate policy and politics, with European institutions playing a stronger role in setting up legislation and rules, compelled all the actors to develop new strategies and to review their internal organisation. Environmental administrations are historically the main player in the political game regarding climate change. They have to face more politicised and more technical issues. They must act as mediators between the political and the technical sides of negotiation. The development of European diplomacy help them to share intelligences, but make the decision making process less efficient. Green NGOs, who have play a determinant role in putting the question on the International and Domestic agendas have also to face those evolution. In the three countries we studied, our research prove that they become more professional. They are investing new fields and have a good knowledge about economics or natural and exact sciences. Nevertheless, this common evolution leaves strong differences between German and British NGOs on one side and French on the other. For corporate actors, climate change become, by the start of the new century, a real problem. People dealing with climate change, and specifically with the EU-ETS get more and more responsibilities, and are now more influent than ever in the definition of companies' strategy. In Europe, corporate actors all agreed that climate policy was a necessity, and are more and more active in international negotiations. They develop strategies of lobbying based on technical expertise, and are, on technical issues such as emission trading or Kyoto mechanism, really efficient. Ringos and Think Tank are less sensitive to those evolutions. They are more and more active on implementation of climate agreement, and often work on the coherence between domestic policy and international negotiations. There are still strong differences between France on one hand, and UK and Germany on the other one. In France, public research play a determinant role, while in the UK and Germany, think tank are more independent and numerous. Politicisation of Climate Change challenge the governance of international diplomacy. It becomes a more open political space, but also a more complex issue to deal with. Even if climate change is now on the top of the international agenda, the articulation between the politics and the science of climate change is still a complicated question.
[en] Since the Clean Air Act Amendment (1990), the markets of tradable emission permits are becoming increasingly attractive. Very few works on the functioning of these markets have analyzed the participation of citizens in order to buy and retire emissions permits. This dissertation aims to study the effects of allowing citizens to participate in markets of tradable emission permits. In the first chapter, we show that when the pollution cap is strictly greater than the optimal one, citizen's participation is socially beneficial and never socially harmful, even in the presence of free-riding. In the second chapter, based on operating pollution markets in the US and Europe, we highlight the emergence of a demand to purchase and cancel emissions permits. In the third chapter, we show how it is possible to partly solve the free rider problem by subsidizing the citizen's demand. Moreover, we argue that an ethics based on the freedom and the sovereignty of citizens commands to allow citizens participation in pollution market. In the fourth chapter, we focus on citizen's participation in pollution markets with a regional pollution model. Such an implication depends on the value of transfer coefficients. (author)
[fr]Depuis l'amendement du Clean Air Act (1990), les marches d'echange de permis d'emissions connaissent un succes grandissant. Un aspect peu etudie de leur fonctionnement est la participation des citoyens pour acheter et retirer des permis d'emissions. Cette these vise a etudier l'opportunite d'ouvrir le marche de permis aux citoyens et a analyser les implications de leur participation. Dans un premier chapitre, nous revenons sur le debat taxe versus marche. Nous montrons que lorsque le plafond de pollution est strictement superieur au plafond de pollution optimal, la participation des citoyens est socialement benefique et n'est jamais socialement dommageable, meme en presence de comportement de passager clandestin. Dans le deuxieme chapitre, a partir d'exemples de marches mis en place aux etats-Unis et en Europe, nous mettons en evidence l'emergence d'une demande de retrait de permis de la part des citoyens et des ONG environnementales. Dans le troisieme chapitre, nous montrons qu'il est possible de lutter efficacement contre le probleme de passager clandestin en subventionnant la demande de retrait de permis des citoyens. Par ailleurs, l'intervention d'une ethique basee sur un postulat de liberte et de souverainete conduit a recommander l'autorisation des citoyens a participer au marche. Enfin, le dernier chapitre analyse la participation des citoyens dans le cadre d'un modele de pollution regionale et apprecie leur implication selon la valeur des parametres des coefficients de transferts de pollution. (auteur)
[en] This article discusses how the Japanese press has dealt with nuclear energy, mainly within the socio-political context of the period spanning the 1950's and 1970's, by enthusiastically promulgating what the author calls the 'three nuclear myths' of 'peaceful development', 'safety' and 'socioeconomic necessity'