[en] The Treaty for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is the main multi-lateral agreement that aims to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. But it is not the only one. In this, the first in an occasional series of reference guides, Core Issues focuses on the various antiproliferation agreements, what they mean and who is party to them. The author is Tim Meadley, Head of External Communications at the UI, with additional research by Charu Jasani. (UK)

[en] An idea on creation of nuclear weapon free zones was arisen with purpose for prevention of a new nuclear countries creation. To 2001 there are 4 Regional Agreements on creation of nuclear weapon free zones. Some uninhabited areas of the world also were declared as nuclear weapon free zones (Arctic Zone, Antarctica, the Sun and Moon surfaces and the seabed. The Chapter VII of Non-proliferation Treaty confirms the right of a countries for creation of nuclear weapon free zones on their perspective territories. In the paper is pointed out that measures on creation of regional nuclear free zones further to regional and global peace and security. Nuclear weapon free zones have been became a part of the non-proliferation regime

[en] In fact there is considerable disagreement about the concept of zones free of nuclear weapons, but the different angles from which countries see this idea, conditions of entry into force and assess of their effectiveness in achieving objectives contributed to the lack of final formulation of one specific definition and not to develop an integrated aspects concept. There is a necessity to try to find a clear definition of zones free of nuclear weapons to address in a second phase to the basic purposes of the establishment. The article addressed the following points: the definition of zones free from nuclear weapons; international conventions establishing the zones free of nuclear weapons; advantages of treaties on the areas free of nuclear weapons, which can be summarized mainly in two basic goals: ensuring not to give birth to new nuclear states and achieving regional security and stability.

[en] The importance of Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zones was emphasized by the United Nations in its resolution 3472B (XXX) in 1975. It is stated that Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zones constitute one of the most effective means for preventing the proliferation, both horizontal and vertical of nuclear weapons and for contributing to the elimination of the danger of nuclear holocaust. The third Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone is to be created in Africa due to Treaty of Pelindaba which was signed in April 1996. The first and the second Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zones were the Latin America and Caribbean Zone and South Pacific Zone created by the Treaties of Tlatelolco and Rarotonga respectively

[en] Reviewing similarities and differences between the Tlatelolco and Rarotonga Treaties vis-a-vis the provisions of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the author analyzes reasons why Argentina and Brazil are still not full parties to the Tlatelolco Treaty. 5 notes

[en] After becoming an independent country, the Republic of Kazakhstan clearly declared its status of non-nuclear weapon state. Kazakhstan joined the Nuclear Weapon Non-proliferation Treaty as a state having no nuclear weapons, then it signed Agreement on Safeguards with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), number of legal acts and regulations were enforced including the law on Atomic Energy Use, the Law on Export Control and set of Governmental Provisions - all these actions provided conditions for effective state control of all nuclear activity on the Kazakhstan territory and for Fulfillment of the republic in guarantees of nuclear weapon non-proliferation regime

[en] The Director General has received a letter dated 1 October 2009 from the Resident Representative of Hungary to the Agency on behalf of the Participating Governments of the Nuclear Suppliers Group.1 Attached to this letter is an updated version of a paper entitled 'The Nuclear Suppliers Group: Its Origins, Role and Activities. The original version of this paper was issued as INFCIRC/539 on 15 September 1997: revisions were issued on 17 April 2000, 16 September 2003 and 30 May 2005. As requested in the letter, the revised version of the paper, attached hereto, is being circulated to Member States of the IAEA

[en] On the 30th anniversary of the Treaty of Tlatelolco an overview of the experiences towards consolidation of the first nuclear-weapon-free zone in the world shows that it has been a point of reference and inspiration for other geographical zones of the world, as soon as the nuclear-weapon-free zones become valid, conflicting areas will be reduced. Some States proposed the Treaty itself may eventually be extended if other protocols added. Another proposal would be to add a protocol on sea pollution

[en] The Brazilian position during the final transactions on the treaty for the proscription of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America is presented. An analysis of the main clauses of this treaty is given, well as a comparative study between the principle points of Tlatelolco Treaty and Non-Proliferation Treaty

[en] For over 30 years, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has been the center and foundation of an interlocking network of agreements, organizations and international arrangements. They were designed to slow down, if not effectively bring to an end, the further spread of nuclear weapons. The regime was intended to include all the nations of the world - those that had nuclear weapons and those that might wish to acquire them in future. Though this goal has never been fully achieved, the NPT, over the years, has been a reasonable success. If there had been no NPT, the total number of nuclear-weapon States (NWS) might have reached 30 or 40 by now. But today we have only eight, with one or two still trying to reach nuclear-weapon status. Since the conclusion of the NPT many more countries have given up nuclear weapon programs than have started them. There are fewer nuclear weapons in the world and fewer States with nuclear weapons programs than there were twenty or thirty years ago. This unquestionable success could never have been achieved without long-term cooperation among many States, and primarily between the United States and the Russian Federation. Since then, the international treaty regime has been consistently improved, updated and extended. To name only a few additional non-proliferation measures, one should mention the IAEA comprehensive system of safeguards (INFCIRC/153); the Zangger Committee; the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG); the Tlatelolco, Rarotonga, Bangkok and Pelindaba Treaties establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones in their respective regions of the world; the Brazil-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC); and the IAEA additional protocol to comprehensive safeguards agreements of 1997 (INFCIRC/540). Among the most recent additions to the regime are the global partnership against the spread of weapons and materials of mass destruction agreed among the G-8 nations in 2002; the US-led Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) to interdict illegal transfers of weapons and materials; the Security Council Resolution 1540(2004) requiring States to increase security for weapons and materials and enact stricter export controls and laws to criminalize proliferation activities by individuals and corporations; the Global Threat Reduction Initiative (GTRI), jointly coordinated by the United States and Russia, which seeks to identify and secure dangerous materials at nuclear research reactors in many States. The nations that created the world's nuclear regime could not force all countries to join the NPT. Nor have the treaty members consistently adhered to their own solemn commitments. Problems now exist that threaten the world community both by the use of nuclear weapons and by the collapse of international non-proliferation restraints